The different names given to this payment from time to time reflect the current social attitude to those who receive it.
The attitude of society-at-large was that everybody needed - and should by some means receive - an income sufficient for the purpose of sustaining their lives. However, in my case, as I suspect for most, the term 'support' was a misnomer. It did not merely support my income: it was my income.
Whatever name may be placed upon it for political ends, this basic payment made to an individual in need by the state is for the purpose of providing that person with the food, clothing and shelter required to ensure his continued biological existence. It is to enable him to subsist. Future governments will doubtless change the name again and yet again. Throughout this book, I wanted to refer to it using a neutral term like state subsistence. Although this term best describes what the payment actually is, this term would not be widely and immediately recognised. Therefore, reluctantly, I have decided to refer to it by the term by which it is still most widely known throughout the world today: welfare.
Governed by the rules of capitalist free-market economics, no single employer in this country - be they individual or corporate - has any legal or 'secularly moral' obligation to employ me. As a direct consequence, all the employers of this country - be they individual or corporate - have no collective obligation to employ me. And for the past 10 years they have duly exercised that 'right'. In the same way, no single individual or company has any obligation to buy from me any product or service I may be able to offer to sell them. Consequently, the individuals and companies of this country together have no collective obligation to buy anything I may be able to offer them. And for the past 10 years they have duly exercised that 'right'.
Since I have no direct means (such as land or capital) by which to transform my labour directly into my needs of life, I am left solely with the following options:
There are bio-social rules built into the human life-form which inhibit the first option. No man is able to sit by and watch his wife and children starve to death. No matter how short-lived the results may be, he is duty-bound by nature to employ any means to prolong the lives of his wife and children, no matter by how little.
Governments well realise that, within a land of plenty, 5 million people are not simply going to lie down and die quietly in order not to disturb the peace of an affluent income-receiving majority. Society pays subsistence to its poor to avoid precipitating the inevitable violence which would otherwise result. Providing subsistence to the poor is an act of self-preservation, not charity.
The amount of the subsistence payment confirms this motive. It is enough to sustain its recipient's biological existence, but little else. It is certainly not enough to enable him to function adequately within the socio-economic environment within which he is immersed. He has no freedom of movement either economically or legally. He cannot afford to interact and mix socially or otherwise. The resulting poverty in effect grid-locks him into a state of isolation and inaction. He simply cannot move.
I once wrote to my Member of Parliament asking how the amount of the payment was calculated. I asked what things were considered as essential to a family's basic survival during unemployment and how much money the Government deemed necessary for each item in order to arrive at the total amount for the subsistence payment.
With his reply he sent me a copy of a rather old and nebulous Government paper which contained various reasonings and proposals about how the amount ought to be worked out. The items considered seemed to be out of the 1930's. For example it debated how many candles a family would need for lighting.
He also enclosed a reply to my question which he had raised on my behalf with the relevant Government Minister. The Minister wrote in reply that the Government did not wish to dictate to people how they should spend their 'benefit' and that each recipient was free to divide up his money how he liked and spend it on whatever he wanted.
I somehow think that this is not an answer to my question. I can see only two possible reasons for giving me such a non-answer:
Before I release computer software, I test it exhaustively with all possible types and ranges of input data. I document my testing thoroughly. Therefore, what I would like to see is the original report by those Civil Service operatives who, on behalf of the Government, personally conducted upon themselves the validation field-testing of the rules according to which my received level of state subsistence was calculated. Somehow I doubt very much whether anybody in so-called authority ever conducted such a test. They simply haven't got what it takes.
In 1991, my 9 year old son worked his way up in a local football team to become centre forward. He was good at it. He came back very upset one Saturday saying that he had been moved to left back. It transpired that the reason his coach had done this was to show the forwards what the game looked like from the point of view of the defence so that they would develop informed expectations of their defenders. I notice in television documentaries on the army that part of the training of young officers involves their being placed under the command of ruthless sergeants under strenuous tests of endurance. Thus they become qualified to command those who will later be under them to do likewise.
Some years ago, the Prime Minister, John Major, claimed that he knew what it was like to be unemployed. He thought this somehow qualified him to govern the unemployed and tell them what to do. As I understood it, he was a teenager at the time he experienced his unemployment. I am his age. When I was 16, I did not have a job, but the idea of signing on never occurred to me. A teenager supporting himself is a world away from a middle aged man supporting an established family and home.
The unemployed, although a minority, are now and will remain a significant sector of those the government governs. I challenge those in government to demonstrate their qualification and fitness to govern the unemployed by voluntarily limiting their family's expenditure throughout the 12 days of next Christmas (which ever year you are reading this) to the £1.69 per person per day (1994 value) we will be living on.
Having set subsistence to such an indefensible level, one would have thought that the government would guarantee that nobody could ever be forced to live on less. Not so! There are 4 phenomena which have from time to time subjected my family to having to live on far less than 'what the law says' we need to live on. These 4 phenomena are:
The second is freely admitted among operatives at the Jobcentre and Benefit Offices. They result in people being denied benefit to which they are legally entitled. Those who are thus deprived have neither the knowledge nor the means to be able to challenge such decisions. They would not even be aware that there was anything to challenge.
Sometimes alone, sometimes in combination, these 4 phenomena can jettison a family into a level of poverty which cannot officially exist. But it does. I am a direct witness to the fact. Not merely as an observer, but as a sufferer.